Good evening, distinguished guests, excellencies, dear participants, ladies and gentlemen.

It is my pleasure to host you here at the Orbeliani Palace, and it is my pleasure to do so when your conference is meeting in Tbilisi for, if I'm not mistaken, the 8th time. Each time you come to Tbilisi, it is for what we consider a very important moment. And indeed, each time it has been an important moment in the history of this country. But I believe that this year is a very, very special time—not only an important moment, but a crucial one, and one that is existential for Georgia. I am not sure whether, in the recent past, we have had such decisive moments as the one we will face on the 26th of October. Georgia is truly at a turning point. Georgian Dream has ceased to be a dream; it has become a nightmare, which is taking Georgia away from what has been its longstanding goal - not a dream, but a goal. It was never a dream; it was an ambition, an aspiration. And not only since the independence of Georgia 30 - some years ago, but over centuries, Georgia has always turned toward the West, toward Europe, seeing itself as a very European country. It has always looked to the West because it has always wanted to be independent of empires, especially our northern neighbor. And today, what is happening is a tragedy for Georgia.

It's a tragedy when some - I'm not going to say we, but some - call our main partners over the years a "war party" and say nothing about the neighboring country that is occupying 20% of our territory. That is a tragedy. When you start mixing up and not knowing where your main orientation lies, that's a tragedy for a person, an individual, and an even bigger tragedy for a country. And especially for a country like Georgia, which has, over centuries, always known how to protect its independence, its values, and its cultural identity. Among those values, one of the most cherished by Georgians over the centuries has been tolerance, diversity. So, the country that we're seeing today being presented is a country that is not Georgian. It is something different. It is a country that would be ready to submit to the occupier, ready to accommodate the occupier, ready to turn its back on those who have supported Georgia and the Georgian state over these past years, and who have really contributed - you all here present - to the construction of all the state institutions. We are seeing a country where almost all institutions have been emptied of their content and their independence.

One institution survives more or less - the president's office - but it has also been attacked. You all remember the impeachment procedure, and you all know that in terms of real power, except for the power of the word, the presidency has been gradually stripped of almost all its powers to resist what is happening in the country. And we are seeing Georgian Dream, the ruling party, really moving first step by step and then in an accelerated way toward something completely alien to this country.

When we have the latest speeches from the honorary president of Georgian Dream, who practically declares war first on our partners, calling them the "party of war," and then declares war on its own population, on the political forces in the country, we see where we are headed. When it is announced in advance that they are going to secure a constitutional majority - which is their dream - and they will banish political parties or subject them to a justice system that no longer exists, we have seen the Constitutional Court, just yesterday and the day before, trying to justify against all reality that the Russian law is not really depriving Georgia of its European future, that it's not affecting our main orientation. All of this is unacceptable.

It is unacceptable, first and foremost, for the Georgian people. And the Georgian people have already said twice, very clearly, on the streets - last year and this year - that they do not accept what is happening in this country. They do not accept this new image of Georgia, and they are not ready to submit to this authoritarian new regime and power.

Now, the next step for the Georgian people, for the Georgian youth - but not only the youth (we tend to say it was only young people, but the protests were massive) - the next step is for the population to express the same sentiment in the most democratic manner - in their ballots. And that is the path to Georgian stability. I am not among those who say, "Well, we'll see what happens in the elections, and the next day we'll see what happens in the streets." No. What will happen will happen in the elections, in the ballots. There is no power in this country that can override the will of the people. There is no capacity to rig the elections to the point of going against the massive expression of the will of the Georgian population. And I trust that the Georgian people will make their voice heard in the elections.

So, when you ask me what you can do, you have already done a lot. You have done a lot to bring Georgia to where it is today. You have done a lot to support the mentality that, in its essence, is Georgian: the mentality to be free, independent, and not accept any form of authoritarian power, whether internal or external. By supporting institutions, by supporting the development of the state, by allowing our youth to travel freely to Europe, to study freely in Europe and the United States, you have helped to support and consolidate the fierce will for independence that is intrinsic to Georgia. So, I trust the Georgian people, and I trust what they will say in the votes. That's where we don't need you. You need to monitor; you need to be attentive and present, as you are today. But it is for us to decide. However, the next day, you will find me, because, as you know, I have worked with different political parties so that all the pro-European parties are united in their commitment to the Georgian Charter, which is, in reality, our way - our path - to satisfy some of the European Union's recommendations and to renew and open negotiations, as has been the case for our partners, Ukraine and Moldova.

That Charter is the key to the door that must open for Georgia. And once the Georgian people have openly supported both the Charter and this path, I will be the ambassador of this Charter to our European and American friends. So, the Europeans will have to open negotiations as quickly as possible, and we must deliver swiftly on what is written in the Charter, which is very detailed. And our American friends must deliver on the Megobari Act, which is also very clear on the positive side. The negative aspects are not for me to discuss, but the positive aspects are. Once the Georgian people have done what they need to do, we will need your support more than ever for the next phase of our development. We must do this in a stable environment, and you need a Georgia that is resolutely back on its democratic path, a Georgia that is a stable partner, a Georgia that you can trust. If we look at the map of the world, this crucial year is not only crucial for us; we all know it is crucial for Ukraine, and we all know that the future of the free world depends greatly on what will happen in Ukraine. And closer to us, the future of the Black Sea region - and it is important to you as well - depends on what happens in Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. We are the ones who can offer our European and American friends, and our NATO partners, a free, secure, and cooperative Black Sea, which is so important for the future of the Western world, for Europe, and for the United States as well. We are all in the same boat. We must do our part, and you must do yours. And I am very optimistic because I do not believe in dreams, but I believe in what has been the destiny of this country, and that destiny remains. The Georgian people know this very well. Thank you very much.